Community Benefits Agreements: Why Black Chicago Needs Them, Why They’ve Been Rare, and How Segregation Shapes the OutcomeCommunity Benefits Agreements (CBAs) are one of the most powerful too
- Brian mullins
- Jun 22
- 7 min read
Community Benefits Agreements (CBAs) are one of the most powerful tools communities can use to ensure that development projects deliver real, measurable benefits to the people who live nearby. In cities across the country, CBAs have helped residents secure local hiring, affordable housing, environmental protections, and millions of dollars in community investment.
But in Chicago — especially in Black neighborhoods — CBAs have been rare, weak, or entirely absent. To understand why, we must look at the history of development, segregation, and political power in the city.
1. What Is a Community Benefits Agreement?
A Community Benefits Agreement is a legally binding contract between a developer and a community coalition. It ensures that development benefits residents, not just investors.
A strong CBA includes:
Local hiring requirements
Affordable housing guarantees
Funding for youth programs
Support for small businesses
Environmental protections
Community space
Public reporting and enforcement
CBAs turn development into a partnership, not an extraction.
2. Historical Context: Black Chicago and Development Without Benefits
For decades, Black neighborhoods have been the target of development, but not the beneficiaries.
Urban Renewal (1950s–1970s)
Black communities in Bronzeville, Woodlawn, and the Near West Side were demolished for:
Universities
Highways
Hospitals
Public facilities
Residents received no compensation, no relocation support, and no community benefits.
Public Housing Demolition (1990s–2000s)
The Plan for Transformation displaced tens of thousands of Black residents. Again, there were:
No CBAs
No local hiring guarantees
No community investment
TIF‑Funded Development (1980s–present)
Billions in TIF dollars flowed to:
Downtown
North Side
“Emerging neighborhoods”
Black communities received far fewer protections, despite being disproportionately affected by disinvestment.
3. Comparison: CBAs in Black Chicago vs. Other Communities
Below is a comparison of how CBAs have been used in Chicago and other cities.
City / Community | Strength of CBAs | Examples of Benefits Secured |
Los Angeles (Black & Latino coalitions) | Strong | Local hiring, affordable housing, environmental protections, millions in community investment |
New York (Harlem, Bronx) | Moderate–Strong | Job guarantees, youth programs, small business protections |
Detroit (Citywide ordinance) | Very strong | Mandatory CBAs for large projects, enforceable penalties |
Chicago – North Side (Lincoln Yards, Uptown) | Moderate | Some affordable housing, infrastructure, limited hiring commitments |
Chicago – Latino communities (Pilsen, Little Village) | Moderate | Cultural protections, anti‑displacement measures, small business support |
Chicago – Black communities (South & West Sides) | Weak or absent | Few legally binding CBAs; benefits often voluntary or symbolic |
Pattern: Black neighborhoods in Chicago have historically received the fewest enforceable CBAs, despite experiencing the most displacement.
4. Why Segregated Chicago Produces Unequal CBAs
Community Benefits Agreement (CBA) Comparison Chart
How Black Chicago’s experience compares to other cities and other communities
National Comparison: How Other Cities Use CBAs
City | CBA Strength | Who Negotiated | What They Secured | Notes |
Los Angeles | Strong | Black & Latino coalitions | Local hiring, affordable housing, environmental protections, millions in community investment | One of the first cities to use CBAs effectively |
New York (Harlem, Bronx) | Moderate–Strong | Community coalitions + elected officials | Job guarantees, youth programs, cultural protections, small business support | Strong organizing base |
Detroit | Very Strong | Citywide ordinance (legally required) | Mandatory CBAs for large projects, enforceable penalties, public reporting | Strongest CBA law in the nation |
Atlanta | Moderate | Black community coalitions | Local hiring, minority contracting, community investment | Benefits tied to major developments |
Chicago (citywide) | Weak / inconsistent | Negotiated case‑by‑case | Limited affordable housing, voluntary commitments, few enforceable terms | No citywide CBA ordinance |
Chicago Comparison: How CBAs Differ by Community
Chicago Community | CBA Strength | Examples of Benefits Secured | Why Outcomes Differ |
North Side (Lincoln Yards, Uptown) | Moderate | Some affordable housing, infrastructure improvements, limited hiring commitments | Higher political leverage, wealthier residents, stronger aldermanic pressure |
Latino Communities (Pilsen, Little Village) | Moderate | Cultural protections, anti‑displacement measures, small business support | Strong organizing traditions, unified coalitions |
Black Communities (South & West Sides) | Weak or absent | Few legally binding CBAs; benefits often voluntary or symbolic | Segregation, underinvestment, fragmented political power, rapid gentrification |
Segregated Chicago: How Development Works Without CBAs
Area Type | Development Pattern | Community Benefits | Impact on Residents |
White / Affluent Areas | Negotiated development with strong aldermanic oversight | Infrastructure upgrades, traffic mitigation, school investment, negotiated concessions | Residents gain benefits and protections |
Gentrifying Latino Areas | High community organizing pressure | Cultural protections, anti‑displacement measures, small business support | Mixed outcomes but stronger protections |
Segregated Black Areas | Development imposed on communities, not negotiated with them | Few or no CBAs; benefits voluntary, unenforced, or symbolic | Displacement, rising rents, loss of cultural anchors, limited job access |
This comparison makes one reality unmistakably clear: Black communities in Chicago have historically received the fewest enforceable CBAs, despite experiencing the highest levels of displacement, underinvestment, and land loss. In a segregated city, development outcomes are not accidental — they reflect unequal political leverage, unequal organizing resources, and unequal access to legal protections. The result is a development system that delivers strong benefits in some neighborhoods, partial protections in others, and almost none in the Black communities that need them most.
Chicago is one of the most segregated cities in the United States. Segregation shapes who gets development, who gets benefits, and who gets displaced.
Here’s how
A. Segregation Concentrates Disinvestment in Black Neighborhoods
In segregated Chicago:
Black neighborhoods receive fewer banks
Fewer grocery stores
Fewer commercial corridors
Fewer major employers
Less infrastructure investment
This reduces community leverage in negotiations with developers.
B. Segregation Creates Unequal Political Power
In segregated areas:
Aldermen in wealthier, whiter wards often demand strong community protections
Black aldermen face pressure to “accept any investment”
Developers assume Black neighborhoods have less political resistance
This leads to weaker or nonexistent CBAs.
C. Segregation Allows Development Without Accountability
In segregated Chicago, development often happens to Black communities, not with them.
Examples:
University of Chicago expansion into Woodlawn and Hyde Park
Medical district expansion into Near West Side
Public housing demolition across the South and West Sides
These projects moved forward without CBAs, because segregation insulated decision‑makers from community pressure.
D. Segregation Enables Resource Extraction
In many Black neighborhoods:
Land is cheap
Political resistance is fragmented
Developers face fewer demands
This creates a take‑it‑or‑leave‑it dynamic, where communities are told:
“Be grateful for any investment.”
Meanwhile, in whiter or more affluent areas:
Residents organize quickly
Aldermen negotiate aggressively
Developers offer concessions
CBAs or CBA‑like agreements are more common
Segregation produces two different development systems in one city.
5. Case Study: The Obama Presidential Center (OPC)
The OPC is the first major development in Black Chicago to secure a CBA‑style agreement — the Woodlawn Housing Preservation Ordinance.
It includes:
Affordable housing protections
Anti‑displacement measures
Tenant rights
But it is not a full CBA:
No local hiring guarantees
No direct community investment
No binding commitments for Black‑owned businesses
It is progress — but not parity with other cities
Did South Shore Get a CBA From the Obama Center?
No. South Shore did not receive a CBA.
Only Woodlawn received a partial, housing‑focused ordinance — not a full CBA — after years of organizing by the Obama CBA Coalition.
South Shore, despite being closer to the Obama Presidential Center (OPC) and more vulnerable to displacement, received no CBA, no housing protections, and no binding commitments.
This is widely documented by community groups, housing advocates, and local reporting.
No citywide CBA ordinance
Unlike Detroit, Chicago has no law requiring CBAs for major developments.
⭐ 6. Summary Table: Who Got What?
Neighborhood | Full CBA? | Partial Protections? | What They Received |
Woodlawn | ❌ No | ✔️ Yes (housing only) | Housing Preservation Ordinance (not a CBA) |
South Shore | ❌ No | ❌ No | No protections at all |
Hyde Park | ❌ No | ❌ No | No CBA, no housing protections |
Washington Park | ❌ No | ❌ No | No CBA, no protections |
Obama Foundation | — | — | No binding commitments to community |
6. What Strong CBAs Could Deliver for Black Chicago
If implemented citywide, CBAs could guarantee:
Economic Benefits
Local hiring
Apprenticeships for Black youth
Contracts for Black‑owned businesses
Housing Protections
Affordable units
Anti‑displacement measures
Property tax protections
Community Investment
Youth programs
Nonprofit funding
Community centers
Cultural preservation
Accountability
Public reporting
Enforceable penalties
Independent oversight
CBAs turn development into a shared benefit, not a one‑sided extraction.
7. What Chicago Needs to Ensure Equitable CBAs
A. A Citywide CBA Ordinance
Like Detroit, Chicago could require CBAs for:
Large developments
TIF‑funded projects
University and hospital expansions
B. Community‑Led Negotiation Coalitions
Black neighborhoods need:
Legal support
Organizing infrastructure
Long‑term funding
C. Transparent Development Processes
Communities need access to:
Project details
Hiring plans
Budget data
Impact assessments
D. Stronger Political Will
Elected officials must:
Demand CBAs
Refuse developer deals without them
Support community coalitions
✊🏾 Black‑Led Coalitions Active in OPC‑Related Advocacy (South Shore Focus)
1. South Shore Works Coalition
Area: South Shore Role:
Major neighborhood coalition organizing residents around development impacts
Advocates for anti‑displacement protections, housing stabilization, and community benefits
Hosts town halls and planning sessions related to the Obama Center
2. South Shore Housing Collaborative
Area: South Shore Role:
Focused on affordable housing, tenant protections, and preventing displacement
Works closely with residents most vulnerable to rising rents
Engaged in policy advocacy tied to the OPC’s economic impact
3. Neighborhood Network Alliance (NNA)
Area: South Shore Role:
Black‑led civic engagement network
Organizes block clubs, resident councils, and community planning
Active in OPC‑related community benefits conversations
4. Obama CBA Coalition (South Side–wide, includes South Shore groups)
Area: South Shore, Woodlawn, Washington Park, Hyde Park Role:
Coalition of Black‑led organizations pushing for a legally binding Community Benefits Agreement
Instrumental in winning the Woodlawn Housing Preservation Ordinance
South Shore groups are active members pushing for similar protections
5. South Shore Chamber of Commerce
Area: South Shore Role:
Black‑led business advocacy organization
Focuses on protecting and growing Black‑owned businesses
Engaged in OPC‑related economic development planning
6. Rebuild Foundation (Theaster Gates)
Area: Stony Island / South Shore border Role:
Cultural preservation and Black creative economy development
Advocates for equitable cultural investment around the OPC
Runs the Stony Island Arts Bank and community arts programming
7. South Shore Community Organization (SSCO)
Area: South Shore Role:
Long‑standing Black‑led grassroots group
Works on housing stability, safety, and community planning
Participates in OPC‑related neighborhood advocacy
Conclusion: CBAs Are a Pathway to Justice in a Segregated City
Community Benefits Agreements are not just contracts — they are tools of economic justice. They ensure that development in Black neighborhoods:
Creates jobs
Protects housing
Supports youth
Strengthens businesses
Builds wealth
Preserves culture
In segregated Chicago, where Black communities have historically received the fewest protections, CBAs are essential to ensuring that development does not displace residents — but strengthens them.



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